{"title":"Teoria Social","description":null,"products":[{"product_id":"can-philosophy-love","title":"Can Philosophy Love?","description":"This volume considers formalisations of love in the 21st century. 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Such procedures can differ strikingly in the election outcomes they produce, the opportunities for manipulation that they create, and the nature of the candidates--centrist or extremist--whom they advantage. The author uses computer simulations based on models of voting behavior and reconstructions of historical elections to assess the likelihood that each multicandidate voting system meets political objectives.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eAlternative procedures abound: the single-vote plurality method, ubiquitous in the United States, Canada, and Britain; runoff, used in certain primaries; the Borda count, based on rank scores submitted by each voter; approval voting, which permits each voter to support several candidates equally; and the Hare system of successive eliminations, to name a few. This work concludes that single-vote plurality is most often at odds with the majoritarian principle of Condorcet. 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Patrick Deneen argues that among democracy's most ardent supporters there is an oft-expressed belief in the need to \"transform\" human beings in order to reconcile the sometimes disappointing reality of human self-interest with the democratic ideal of selfless commitment. This \"transformative impulse\" is frequently couched in religious language, such as the need for political \"redemption.\" This is all the more striking given the frequent accompanying condemnation of traditional religious belief that informs the \"democratic faith.?\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e At the same time, because so often this democratic ideal fails to materialize, democratic faith is often subject to a particularly intense form of disappointment. A mutually reinforcing cycle of faith and disillusionment is frequently exhibited by those who profess a democratic faith--in effect imperiling democratic commitments due to the cynicism of its most fervent erstwhile supporters.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e Deneen argues that democracy is ill-served by such faith. Instead, he proposes a form of \"democratic realism\" that recognizes democracy not as a regime with aspirations to perfection, but that justifies democracy as the regime most appropriate for imperfect humans. If democratic faith aspires to transformation, democratic realism insists on the central importance of humility, hope, and charity.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Princeton University Press","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52636058059119,"sku":"9780691163390","price":259.02,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0691163391.jpg?v=1770233810"},{"product_id":"prudes-perverts-and-tyrants","title":"Prudes, Perverts, and Tyrants","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn recent years, most political theorists have agreed that shame shouldn't play any role in democratic politics because it threatens the mutual respect necessary for participation and deliberation. But Christina Tarnopolsky argues that not every kind of shame hurts democracy. 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In \u003ci\u003eThe Priority of Democracy\u003c\/i\u003e, Jack Knight and James Johnson systematically explore the subject and make a strong case for adopting a pragmatist approach to democratic politics-and for giving priority to democracy in the process of selecting and reforming political institutions.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eWhat is the primary value of democracy? When should we make decisions democratically and when should we rely on markets? And when should we accept the decisions of unelected officials, such as judges or bureaucrats? Knight and Johnson explore how a commitment to pragmatism should affect our answers to such important questions. They conclude that democracy is a good way of determining how these kinds of decisions should be made-even if what the democratic process determines is that not all decisions should be made democratically. So, for example, the democratically elected U.S. Congress may legitimately remove monetary policy from democratic decision-making by putting it under the control of the Federal Reserve.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eKnight and Johnson argue that pragmatism offers an original and compelling justification of democracy in terms of the unique contributions democratic institutions can make to processes of institutional choice. This focus highlights the important role that democracy plays, not in achieving consensus or commonality, but rather in addressing conflicts. Indeed, Knight and Johnson suggest that democratic politics is perhaps best seen less as a way of reaching consensus or agreement than as a way of structuring the terms of persistent disagreement.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Princeton University Press","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52636086829423,"sku":"9780691163338","price":224.82,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0691163332.jpg?v=1770237110"},{"product_id":"socratic-citizenship","title":"Socratic Citizenship","description":"\u003cp\u003eMany critics bemoan the lack of civic engagement in America. Tocqueville's ''nation of joiners'' seems to have become a nation of alienated individuals, disinclined to fulfill the obligations of citizenship or the responsibilities of self-government. In response, the critics urge community involvement and renewed education in the civic virtues. But what kind of civic engagement do we want, and what sort of citizenship should we encourage? In \u003ci\u003eSocratic Citizenship\u003c\/i\u003e, Dana Villa takes issue with those who would reduce citizenship to community involvement or to political participation for its own sake. He argues that we need to place more value on a form of conscientious, moderately alienated citizenship invented by Socrates, one that is critical in orientation and dissident in practice.\u003c\/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003e Taking Plato's \u003ci\u003eApology of Socrates\u003c\/i\u003e as his starting point, Villa argues that Socrates was the first to show, in his words and deeds, how moral and intellectual integrity can go hand in hand, and how they can constitute importantly civic--and not just philosophical or moral--virtues. More specifically, Socrates urged that good citizens should value this sort of integrity more highly than such apparent virtues as patriotism, political participation, piety, and unwavering obedience to the law. Yet Socrates' radical redefinition of citizenship has had relatively little influence on Western political thought. Villa considers how the Socratic idea of the thinking citizen is treated by five of the most influential political thinkers of the past two centuries--John Stuart Mill, Friedrich Nietzsche, Max Weber, Hannah Arendt, and Leo Strauss. In doing so, he not only deepens our understanding of these thinkers' work and of modern ideas of citizenship, he also shows how the fragile Socratic idea of citizenship has been lost through a persistent devaluation of independent thought and action in public life.\u003c\/p\u003e\n \u003cp\u003eEngaging current debates among political and social theorists,\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Princeton University Press","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52636091941231,"sku":"9780691086934","price":379.15,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0691086931.jpg?v=1770237692"},{"product_id":"bound-by-recognition","title":"Bound by Recognition","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn an era of heightened concern about injustice in relations of identity and difference, political theorists often prescribe equal recognition as a remedy for the ills of subordination. 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Democratic theorists generally agree that issue networks, recreational associations, support circles, religious groups, unions, advocacy groups, and myriad other kinds of associations enhance democracy by cultivating citizenship, promoting public deliberation, providing voice and representation, and enabling varied forms of governance. Yet there has been little work to show how and why different kinds of association have different effects on democracy--many supportive but others minimal or even destructive.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThis book offers the first systematic assessment of what associations do and don't do for democracy. Mark Warren explains how and when associational life expands the domain, inclusiveness, and authenticity of democracy. He looks at which associations are most likely to foster individuals' capacities for democratic citizenship, provoke political debate, open existing institutions, guide market activities, or bring democratic decision-making to new venues. Throughout, Warren also considers the trade-offs involved, noting, for example, that organizational solidarity can dampen internal dissent and deliberation even as it enhances public deliberation. Blending political and social theory with an eye to social science, \u003ci\u003eDemocracy and Association\u003c\/i\u003e will draw social scientists with interests in democracy, political philosophers, students of public policy, as well as the many activists who fortify the varied landscape we call civil society. 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Although Marx's philosophy is usually regarded as one of the most influential ever written, its seeming ambiguities and contradictions have long puzzled readers. By uncovering the framework that unifies the writings of Karl Marx, John McMurtry has made an advance of signal importance for all areas of Marxian studies.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe many valuable features of Professor McMurtry's analysis include clear, coordinated definitions of all concepts central to Marx's thought. Closely reasoned explanations illuminate such controversial theories and positions as economic determinism, ideology, and the laws of society and history. Here, too, are definitive formulations of Marx's generally neglected or denied theories of human nature, technological determinism, and mind, plus precise delineations of his stands on traditional political and philosophical questions.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe author contrasts Marx's ideas with those of other important thinkers and provides a systematic survey of standard objections that refutes many of Marx's best-known critics and disciples. In addition, Professor McMurtry offers a precise critique of the historical genesis and economic and political structures of \"Marxist\" societies. Throughout, direct reference to the texts and concrete illustrations explain all relevant concepts, positions, and issues.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eOriginally published in 1978.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe \u003cb\u003ePrinceton Legacy Library\u003c\/b\u003e uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books publish\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Princeton University Press","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52641087357295,"sku":"9780691613475","price":349.24,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0691613478.jpg?v=1770405950"},{"product_id":"radical-democracy","title":"Radical Democracy","description":"\u003cp\u003eRadical Democracy\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Longleaf Services on behalf of Cornell University","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52641170948463,"sku":"9780801484513","price":192.84,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0801484510.jpg?v=1770410576"},{"product_id":"against-liberalism","title":"Against Liberalism","description":"\u003cp\u003eAgainst Liberalism\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Longleaf Services on behalf of Cornell University","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52641264009583,"sku":"9780801484001","price":234.76,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0801484006.jpg?v=1770410502"},{"product_id":"origins-of-the-other","title":"Origins of the Other","description":"\u003cp\u003eOrigins of the Other\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Longleaf Services on behalf of Cornell University","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52641330069871,"sku":"9780801473661","price":205.33,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0801473667.jpg?v=1770412243"},{"product_id":"political-philosophy-and-the-open-society","title":"Political Philosophy and the Open Society","description":"\u003cp\u003eTracing the concept of the open society-one based on the idea of a universal community of mankind-from its origins to the present day, Dante Germino reveals in this study the central role of openness in forming man's perception of himself and his world and presents n important new political theory of the open society.\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003ePolitical Philosophy and the Open Society begins with the definition of openness in its various meanings and with a description of the idea of the open society. Believing that \"an adequate theory of the open society must be grounded on the entire known history of mankind,\" Germino investigates the origins of the idea in myth, classical philosophy, Judeo-Christian revelation, and mysticism. He discusses the notion of the universal brotherhood of man as it appears in the works of classical Greek and Roman philosophers, including Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics, and then shows how that idea was distorted by the concept of universal empire as expressed by Alexander and later by the Romans. This philosophical struggle continued as the early Christians, Sant Augustine in particular, attempted to reconcile the political reality of a secular world empire wit the spiritual reality of the universal kingdom of God, and it extended throughout the Middle Ages until the rise of the concept of the secular nation-state in the fifteenth century. Letting this historical background form the basis for his study, Germino works closely with the ideas of Henri Bergson and Eric Voeglin to advance his own theory of the open society. The first formulation of open society theory, Germino tells us, was by Bergson, whose The Two Sources of Morality and Religion defined a new morality of openness as epitomized in the Sermon on the Mount. 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He shows that perspectives as diverse and contradictory as those of Marx, Spencer, Sumner, Veblen, Mosca, Pareto, Sorokin, Parsons, and Dahrendorf are parts of an evolving and systematic body of theory.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e","brand":"Longleaf Services on behalf of Univ of N. Carolina","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52649361998191,"sku":"9780807841198","price":395.67,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0807841196.jpg?v=1770650248"},{"product_id":"covenants-without-swords","title":"Covenants without Swords","description":"\u003cp\u003e\u003ci\u003eCovenants without Swords\u003c\/i\u003e examines an enduring tension within liberal theory: that between many liberals' professed commitment to universal equality on the one hand, and their historic support for the politics of hierarchy and empire on the other. It does so by examining the work of two extremely influential British liberals and internationalists, Gilbert Murray and Alfred Zimmern. Jeanne Morefield mounts a forceful challenge to disciplinary boundaries by arguing that this tension, on both the domestic and international levels, is best understood as frequently arising from the same, liberal reformist political aim-namely, the aim of fashioning a socially conscious liberalism that ultimately reifies putatively natural, preliberal notions of paternalistic order.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eMorefield also questions conventional analyses of interwar thought by resurrecting the work of Murray and Zimmern, and by linking their approaches to liberal internationalism with the ossified notion of sovereignty that continues to trouble international politics to this day. 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