{"title":"Economia Internacional","description":null,"products":[{"product_id":"a-region-of-regimes","title":"A Region of Regimes","description":"\u003cp\u003eA Region of Regimes traces the relationship between politics and economics-power and prosperity-in the Asia-Pacific in the decades since the Second World War. This book complicates familiar and incomplete narratives of the \"Asian economic miracle\" to show radically different paths leading to high growth for many but abject failure for some. T. J. Pempel analyzes policies and data from ten East Asian countries, categorizing them into three distinct regime types, each historically contingent and the product of specific configurations of domestic institutions, socio-economic resources, and external support. \u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003ePempel identifies Japan, Korea, and Taiwan as developmental regimes, showing how each then diverged due to domestic and international forces. North Korea, Myanmar, and the Philippines (under Marcos) comprise \"rapacious regimes\" in this analysis, while Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand form \"ersatz developmental regimes.\" Uniquely, China emerges as an evolving hybrid of all three regime types. A Region of Regimes concludes by showing how the shifting interactions of these regimes have profoundly shaped the Asia-Pacific region and the globe across the postwar era.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Longleaf Services on behalf of Cornell University","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52634302021999,"sku":"9781501758805","price":250.0,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/1501758802.jpg?v=1770148642"},{"product_id":"industry-and-trade-two-volumes-in-one","title":"Industry and Trade (Two Volumes in One)","description":"\u003cp\u003eAlfred Marshall's work influenced half a century of financial philosophy. Though the bulk of his work was completed before the turn of the 20th century, the global ramifications of World War I prompted him to reconsider his theories on international economics, and in 1919 he published the two-volume Industry and Trade. Presented here in one combined volume, he discusses:\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e• the relationship between trade and industry\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e• technical influences on industrial economies\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e• modern finance and business organization\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e• how monopolies and competition impact prices\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e• unions, co-opts, and business federations\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003e• and much more.\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eBritish economist ALFRED MARSHALL (1842-1924) was one of the most prominent thinkers of his age on the philosophy of finance, and his groundbreaking Principles of Economics (1890) was for years the standard text on the subject. 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Globalized systems have created great prosperity—along with instability, vulnerability, and backlash. \u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eFew genuinely understand the complex underpinnings of our international economic system—and these specialists tend to operate in isolated silos of finance, trade, and production. But without appreciating how systems come together, we cannot explain political reactions against the costs of globalization such as the Brexit vote or the rise of Donald Trump. We don’t value the changing geo-economic importance of the developing world nor the deep threat to ecosystems. \u003cbr\u003eThis book is the first to emphasize the interrelated economic aspects of globalization from an interdisciplinary perspective. By placing an introduction to trade, finance, and multinational production in the same text that discusses the changing role of developing countries and the challenges to the environment, the authors provide the novice with the basics to understand the global economy while also challenging advanced students to appreciate global connectivity. \u003cbr\u003eClosing the knowledge gap in international economics, the authors present the historical context, interdisciplinary grounding, and competing political perspectivesneededto encourage sound critical thinking around contemporary globalization. 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According to Mishkin, the international community must provide incentives for developing countries to establish effective property rights, banking regulations, accounting practices, and corporate governance--the institutions necessary to attract and manage global investment. 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Using quantitative data and interviews with investment promotion agencies, investment location consultants, political risk insurers, and decision makers at multinational corporations, Nathan Jensen arrives at a surprising conclusion: Countries may be competing for international capital, but government fiscal policy--both taxation and spending--has little impact on multinationals' investment decisions.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e  Although government policy has a limited ability to determine patterns of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, political institutions are central to explaining why some countries are more successful in attracting international capital. First, democratic institutions lower political risks for multinational corporations. Indeed, they lead to massive amounts of foreign direct investment. Second, politically federal institutions, in contrast to fiscally federal institutions, lower political risks for multinationals and allow host countries to attract higher levels of FDI inflows. Third, the International Monetary Fund, often cited as a catalyst for promoting foreign investment, actually deters multinationals from investment in countries under IMF programs. Even after controlling for the factors that lead countries to seek IMF support, IMF agreements are associated with much lower levels of FDI inflows.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Princeton University Press","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52640436289903,"sku":"9780691136363","price":293.96,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/069113636X.jpg?v=1770392996"},{"product_id":"multinational-corporations-and-the-politics-of-dependence","title":"Multinational Corporations and the Politics of Dependence","description":"\u003cp\u003eThis study deals with a topic of increasing concern--the relations between multinational corporations and their host countries in the Third World. Theodore H. Moran describes how a reaction against dependencia, a realization that the fate of the nation hinges on the decisions made by uncontrollable outside forces, can spur a host country to opt for control of an industry, exposing the country to new dangers as well as new opportunities.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eOriginally published in 1975.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe \u003cb\u003ePrinceton Legacy Library\u003c\/b\u003e uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. 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By contrast, during the Latin American debt crisis, the contentious politics of IMF programs reflected the ideological rivalries of the Cold War. Economic crises triggered ideologically divergent domestic policy responses and democracy was often at odds with economic adjustment. The author demonstrates that an economic crisis triggers neoliberal economic reforms only when the government and the IMF agree about the roots and severity of the crisis.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"Princeton University Press","offers":[{"title":"Default Title","offer_id":52640681820527,"sku":"9780691139524","price":321.46,"currency_code":"BRL","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0921\/9384\/9711\/files\/0691139520.jpg?v=1770396470"},{"product_id":"global-bargaining","title":"Global Bargaining","description":"\u003cp\u003eNegotiations on an international commodity policy have been the central issue on the North-South agenda for the past three years. They also can be seen as the first major effort to give substantive meaning to the Third World's desire not only for a new regime for the world's raw commodity trade but also for a New International Economic Order. Yet various obstacles have impeded successful North-South bargaining, and the negotiations remain at a stalemate. Focusing on the bargaining process between developed and developing countries in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Robert Rothstein analyzes the factors that have inhibited successful negotiation and suggests ways in which these obstacles might be removed.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e The first part of the book focuses on the specifics of the commodity debate, while in the second part the author attempts to explain the causes of delay, misunderstanding, and mistrust within the negotiating process. Assessing the possibility of devising an effective bargaining policy among unequal parties with conflicting values and interests, Professor Rothstein suggests a number of structural, institutional, and conceptual reforms.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eOriginally published in 1979.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe \u003cb\u003ePrinceton Legacy Library\u003c\/b\u003e uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. 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Arthur Lewis's provocative analysis of the present economic order and its origins suggests that the answer to both questions is yes.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eProfessor Lewis perceptively illuminates aspects of recent economic history that have often been overlooked by observers of international affairs. He asks first how the world came to be divided into countries exporting manufactures and countries exporting primary commodities. High agricultural productivity and a good investment climate allowed countries in Northwest Europe to industrialize rapidly, while the favorable terms of trade they enjoyed assured them and the temperate lands to which Europeans migrated of continuing dominance over the tropical countries.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003e At the core of the author's argument lies the contention that as the structure of international trade changes, the tropical countries move rapidly toward becoming net importers of agricultural commodities and net exporters of manufactures. Even so, they continue to depend on the markets of the richer countries for their growth, and they continue to trade on unfavorable terms. Both of these disadvantages, he concludes, stem from large agricultural sectors with low productivity and will disappear only as the technology of tropical food production is revolutionized.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eOriginally published in 1978.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eThe \u003cb\u003ePrinceton Legacy Library\u003c\/b\u003e uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. 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Indeed, he argues that free trade, by raising living standards, can serve these agendas far better than can a descent into trade sanctions and restrictions.\u003cbr\u003e\u003cbr\u003eAfter settling the score in favor of free trade, Professor Bhagwati considers alternative ways in which it can be pursued. Chiefly, he argues in support of multilateralism and advances a withering critique of recent bilateral and regional free trade agreements (including NAFTA) as preferential arrangements that introduce growing chaos into the world trading system. 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Despite a promising start in the early 1990s, MERCOSUR has had a tumultuous and conflict-ridden history. Yet it has survived, expanding in membership and institutional scope. What explains its survival, given a seemingly contradictory mix of conflict and cooperation?\n\nThrough detailed empirical analyses of several key trade disputes between the bloc's two main partners, Argentina and Brazil, Gómez-Mera proposes an explanation that emphasizes the tension between and interplay of two sets of factors: power asymmetries within and beyond the region, and domestic-level politics. Member states share a common interest in preserving MERCOSUR as a vehicle for increasing the region's leverage in external negotiations. Gómez-Mera argues that while external vulnerability and overlapping power asymmetries have provided strong and consistent incentives for regional cooperation in the Southern Cone, the impact of these systemic forces on regional outcomes also has been crucially mediated by domestic political dynamics in the bloc's two main partners, Argentina and Brazil. Contrary to conventional wisdom, however, the unequal distribution of power within the bloc has had a positive effect on the sustainability of cooperation. Despite Brazil's reluctance to adopt a more active leadership role in the process of integration, its offensive strategic interests in the region have contributed to the durability of institutionalized collaboration. 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